Ladd, D. R., Mennen, I., and Schepman, A. (2000). Phonological conditioning of peak alignment in rising pitch accents in Dutch. Journal of Acoustical Society of America, 107(5), 2685-2696.
Presentation: Sally
Summary: Renee
This paper explored the influence of phonetic segments on the alignment of F0 movements in Dutch. The first experiment required subjects to read prepared sentences, in which two types of test syllables (long/short vowel) were inserted. Results showed that rises accompanying phonologically long vowels tended to be longer than those accompanying short vowels. However, there was no significant relation between phonological vowel length and the amount of F0 change. The results found in Experiment 1 consistently replicated Caspers and van Heuven’s (1994) findings, except that the latter found a strong effect of phonological vowel length. There were two explanations for this finding. (1) The durational explanation assumed that the rise took a certain amount of time, and the short vowel was too short for the rise to be fully realized on the vowel itself. (2) The structural explanation assumed that tonal targets were anchored to specific places in structure. The accent peak might be anchored to the end of the syllable, which was equivalent to the end of the vowel if the vowel was long, but would be during the consonant if the vowel was short. The second experiment aimed to decide between these two explanations. The general approach in Experiment 2 was similar to that in Experiment 1, except that the vowels of the test syllables were restricted to [i:] and [ɪ]. Results of Experiment 2 showed that for both long and short vowels the F0 peak was aligned after the offset of the vowel, as expected by the durational explanation. However, as expected by the structural explanation, the peak was aligned earlier following [i:] than following [ɪ]. The data of Experiment 2 thus partially supported both accounts.
Summary: Renee
This paper explored the influence of phonetic segments on the alignment of F0 movements in Dutch. The first experiment required subjects to read prepared sentences, in which two types of test syllables (long/short vowel) were inserted. Results showed that rises accompanying phonologically long vowels tended to be longer than those accompanying short vowels. However, there was no significant relation between phonological vowel length and the amount of F0 change. The results found in Experiment 1 consistently replicated Caspers and van Heuven’s (1994) findings, except that the latter found a strong effect of phonological vowel length. There were two explanations for this finding. (1) The durational explanation assumed that the rise took a certain amount of time, and the short vowel was too short for the rise to be fully realized on the vowel itself. (2) The structural explanation assumed that tonal targets were anchored to specific places in structure. The accent peak might be anchored to the end of the syllable, which was equivalent to the end of the vowel if the vowel was long, but would be during the consonant if the vowel was short. The second experiment aimed to decide between these two explanations. The general approach in Experiment 2 was similar to that in Experiment 1, except that the vowels of the test syllables were restricted to [i:] and [ɪ]. Results of Experiment 2 showed that for both long and short vowels the F0 peak was aligned after the offset of the vowel, as expected by the durational explanation. However, as expected by the structural explanation, the peak was aligned earlier following [i:] than following [ɪ]. The data of Experiment 2 thus partially supported both accounts.
No comments:
Post a Comment