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2014/10/09
Kang, Y. (2014) Voice onset time merger and
development of tonal contrast in Seoul Korean stops: A corpus study. Journal of Phonetics, 45, 76–90
Presentation: Hsiang-Yu
Summary: Sarah
This study explores the relationship between the
merging of voice onset timing (VOT) in stops and tonal contrasts in Korean. Although
it has been shown in previous research that the three-way contrasted stops
(aspirated, lenis, fortis) in Korean are distinguished by both VOT and F0,
a number of studies indicated that the VOT distinction between aspirated and
lenis stops is disappearing. From the perspective of tonogenesis, this merging is
suggested to result from the tonal contrast between the accentual
phrase-initial boundary tones HH and LH, whose occurrences nicely correspond
with phrase-initial segment types: HH is associated with [-stiff vocal folds] segments
such as lenis stops or sonorants, while LH co-occurs with [+stiff vocal folds]
ones like aspirated stops or /h/. It is reasoned that since F0 is already
a sufficient cue for contrasting the two stops, the difference in VOT gradually
dies out. To verify this account, a corpus-based analysis was conducted, which
included in total over one hundred speakers across different gender and age
groups. VOTs of stop productions and F0 of the following two vowels
were measured. Results showed that the VOT difference between aspirated and
lenis stops indeed exhibited a decreasing trend, and this change was primarily
led by females. For F0, aspirated and lenis stops, along with the
non-stop segments in the [+stiff vocal folds] and [–stiff vocal folds]
categories, were accompanied by high and low F0, respectively. In
further analyses, it was demonstrated that the distinction between aspirated
and lenis stops in the F0 domain was gradually more and more emphasized
across time for both males and females, but the reliance on VOT was nonetheless
only found for males. It was thus concluded that the merging of VOT in Korean
stops has a tonogenesis motivation, and such a tonal effect applies not only to
stops but also to more abstract categories that are characterized by
phonological features
.